Sunday, December 18, 2005
BBC | On Sino-Japanese relations, Feb. 22, 2006
BBC | On China-Pakistan relations, Feb. 19, 2006
Aljazeera | On Chinese media: reform or on ice? Feb. 14, 2006
Voice of America | In-stadio guest on Issues & Opinions, Feb. 14, 2006
The Independent | On Canadian oil sands, Feb. 9, 2006
Seattle Times | Report on my talk at Seattle Economists Club, Feb. 9, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canada's new cabinet & relations with China, Feb. 6, 06
Business Edge | On China-Canada energy relations, Feb. 3, 2006
The Standard | Social cost of China's prosperity, Jan. 26, 2006
First Business News | On Canadian election, Jan. 26, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canadian election, Jan. 25, 2006
Ta Kung Pao | On Canada Chinese in Canadian politics, Jan. 24, 2006
BBC World Service | On Canadian election, Jan. 24, 2006
CRI | On Canadian election & Canada-China relations, Jan. 24, 2006
LA Times | On China's energy development strategy, Jan. 23, 2006
BBC World Service | On high police casualties in China, Jan. 23, 2006
New China News Agency | On Chinese Canadians in politics, Jan. 22, 2006
China Brief | Special issue on social unrest in China, Jan. 20, 2006
BBC World Service | On Chinese farmers protest movement, Jan. 15, 2006
Reuters | China's position on Iran's nuclear standoff, Jan. 13, 2006
The Globe & Mail op-ed | The casualties of China's rising tide, Jan. 9, 2006
CBC Radio International | On China's development outlook, Jan. 5, 2006
Sing Tao Daily | On Canadian election & foreign policy, Jan. 4, 2006
China Central TV 9 Dialogue |On the person(s) of the year, Jan. 3, 2006
CBC Radio As It Happens | On the rise of China, Jan. 2, 2006
NPR | On China's crackdown on liberal press, Jan. 2, 2006
BBC World Service| On Hu Jintao's new year address, Jan. 1, 2006
Voice of America | China's latest media crackdown, Dec. 30, 2005
Voice of America | China's latest media crackdown (Chinese), Dec. 30, 2005
BBC World Service| On Japan's relations with China, Dec. 25, 2005
Danish Radio | On China's western development, Dec. 22, 2005
UPI | On China's urban-rural divide, Dec. 19, 2005
BBC World Service | On the Kazakhstan-China pipeline, Dec. 15, 2005
CBC Radio International | On WTO Hong Kong meeting, Dec. 15, 2005
CNN | Internview on China's growing social unrest, Dec. 13, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On East Asia Summit, Dec. 13, 2005
Edmonton Journal | My full page article: Fallout of China's boom, Dec. 11,05
China Brief features my article: The cost of China's modernization, Dec. 6, 05
L.A. Times | On Shonghua River pollution, Dec. 4, 2005
BBC World Service | On the cost of China's modernization, Dec. 4, 2005
Voice of America |On China's increasing coalmine accidents, Dec. 3, 2005
Danish Radio | On the lack of responsibility in China's mines, Dec. 3, 2005
BBC World Service | On Montreal Climate Conference, Dec. 3, 2005
NPR Marketplace | On Songhua River pollution, Dec. 2, 2005
Danish Radio | On China's environment decision making, Dec. 2, 2005
The Straits Times | On China's treatment of bad news, Nov. 30, 2005
China Central TV| On the fall of the Martin cabinet, Nov. 29, 2005
BBC World Service | The "head tax" on Chinese immigrants, Nov. 28, 2005
Voice of America | On China's environmental disasters, Nov. 28, 2005
BBC World Service | On UN climate conference in Montreal, Nov.27, 2005
Danish Radio | On Harbin river pollution & enviroment, Nov. 30, 2005
The Globe & Mail Commentary | Free trade and APEC, Nov. 25, 2005
L.A. Times | On Harbin Songhua river pollution, Nov. 25, 2005
BBC World Service | On CCP commemoration of Hu Yaobang, Nov. 17, 2005
CBC TV NewsWorld | Live on Japan's imperial family politics, Nov. 15, 2005
BBC News World Edition | On rural-urban divide in China, Nov.10, 2005
Xinhua | On my speech at the China Rising conference, Nov. 10, 2005
Edmonton Journal/Ideas | China's hunger for nuclear power, Nov. 9, 2005
The Japan Times | On Sino-Japanese relations, Nov. 8, 2005
CBC Radio Edmonton | On Alberta-China relations, Nov. 4, 2005
BBC World Service | On civilian deaths in Iraq (in Chinese), Oct. 30, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On Chinese perceptions of Canada, Oct. 29, 2005
The Globe & Mail | On Canada's economic ties with China, Oct. 29, 2005
South China Morning Post Column | on Yasukuni, Oct. 20, 2005
The Globe & Mail Column| On Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni, Oct. 18, 2005
South China Morning Post Column | on Chinese politics, Oct. 17, 2005
BBC World Service | On Koizumi's Yasukuni visit (in Chinese), Oct. 17, 2005
BBC World Service | On Rumsfeld's visit to China (in Chinese), Oct. 16, 2005
CBC Viewpoint Column| Chinese leaders' priorities, Oct. 14, 2005
CBC Radio | On Canada-US-China relations, Oct. 14, 2005
Reuters | On China's wealth gap reaching critical level, Oct. 7, 2005
BBC World Service | On East China Sea energy dispute (in Chinese), Oct.4, 2005
BBC World Service | Interview on Iran's nuclear issue (in Chinese), Sept. 25, 2005
The Straits Times | On Hu Jintao's North American visit, Sept. 23, 2005
World Journal | Featured interview on Canada-China relations, Sept. 19, 2005
The Globe & Mail | Comments on Hu Jintao's visit to Canada, Sept. 16, 2005
Knight Rider | Interview on Sino-Japanese relations, Sept. 16, 2005
VOA | Interview on Hu Jintao's North American trip, Sept. 14, 2005
Sing Tao Daily | On Canada-China strategic partnership, Sept. 13, 2005
AFP | On the ruch by the US and China to Alberta oil, Sept. 12, 2005
The Globe & Mail | Commentary: How do we engage China? Sept. 8, 2005
Radio Canada International | On Hu Jintao's visit to Canada, Sept. 8, 2005
Sohu.com | Comments on Hu Jintao's Canadian visit, Sept. 6, 2005
The Macleans | Interview on Chinese politics, Aug. 29, 2005
BusinessWeek | Special on China and India: Experts Roundtable, Aug. 22, 2005
Reuters | Interview on Chinese energy firm CNOOC's bid for Unocal, Aug. 5, 2005
KCRW Radio/NBR | Interview on US-China energy relations, Aug.2, 2005
China Brief | The Unocal Bid: China's Treasure Hunt of the Century, July 19, 2005
Sing Tao Daily | On China's overseas corporate expansion, July 17, 2005
Los Angeles Times | A new player in the Canadian sandbox, July 17, 2005
NPR - To the Point | Panel interview on China's quest for energy, June 29, 2005
Wednesday, November 30, 2005
But if change does not come soon, there will be more accidents and deaths -- resulting in high economic cost, warned Professor Jiang.
A systemic overhaul is needed for things to improve, said Prof Jiang. He said: "Detailed instructions on every level of government's role and responsibility must be spelt out. This will ensure officials are accountable as they cannot push the blame to someone else."
Click here to read the article.
Monday, November 28, 2005
"China uses a lot of energy, so therefore [there are] a lot of energy-related accidents. Almost every other week, we have such accidents," Dr. Jiang said. "These are actually partly [caused by] the industrialization process, and partly due to the market-driven, all-for-money drive by local governments."
Read the article here.
Friday, November 25, 2005
(Nov 25, 2005)
The Global and Mail
Prime Minister Paul Martin must have heaved a sigh of relief to leave domestic headaches behind for a few days when he flew to South Korea for the annual APEC summit last week.
The Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation forum seems an ideal international stage for Mr. Martin and many of his 20 counterparts to boost their image. Representing more than 40 per cent of the world's population, the APEC group is the largest regional trading bloc, commanding nearly 50 per cent of global trade volume and 60 per cent of GDP. It has generated nearly 70 per cent of global economic growth in the past decade. In a joint declaration, members expressed support for the World Trade Organization talks in Hong Kong next month, combatting the spread of avian flu, and fighting terrorism.
But image-polishing is not quite the same as tangible achievement. Contrary to the carefully chosen theme of this year's forum -- "Toward One Community: Meet the Challenge, Make the Change" -- beneath the surface, APEC is disintegrating into regional and bilateral blocs and lacks the leadership to meet many of its challenges.
Free-trade rhetoric has never been as strongly propagated by governments as the dominant ideology and unmistakable path to prosperity, yet every major global free-trade mechanism has trouble reaching a consensus. The implementation of the WTO's 2001 Doha commitment to global open trade is stalled; the coming talks are at risk because rich countries won't end domestic agricultural subsidies. Similar issues caused the dismal failure of the recently held Summit of the Americas, where the Free Trade Area of the Americas, being negotiated for more than a decade, faced fierce resistance from Southern Latin American states.
The APEC club, hailed as a major free-trade advocate, has done little beyond issue statements. Nor is there any clear road map on how to realize the goals of an Asia Pacific open market by all advanced economies in 2010, followed by all others in 2020.
The APEC community is gradually becoming an empty shell, shrinking into isolated resort gatherings of government elites, while mass protests gain momentum, intensifying global discontent.
While most countries belong to some form of global, regional and bilateral trade regimes, they tend to employ protectionist measures whenever self-perceived interests are at stake. The U.S. refusal to abide by NAFTA rulings over the softwood lumber dispute with Canada is a frustrating example. China complains bitterly that its textile exports, which comply with the WTO-mandated schedule that all barriers be lifted this year, are being blocked by the United States and European Union.
APEC countries are committed to mutual tariff reduction but a mechanism is missing to move beyond paperwork.
Threatened by the growing and perceived protectionist movements, many countries are seeking bilateral and intraregional trade deals, making WTO and larger regional organizations such as APEC more and more a theatre for talk rather than serious action. China has moved to establish a free-trade zone with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); its free-market status has been recognized by New Zealand and South Korea; Australia and the EU are negotiating with Beijing for the same arrangement; Japan is chasing China, in fear of lagging behind.
Next month, there will be several summits centred on ASEAN and China: The ASEAN plus Three
(China, Japan, South Korea) conference, the ASEAN-India conference, and the ASEAN plus Russia conference.
However, the most visible challenge and alternative to the U.S.-centred Asia Pacific order will come when the first East Asian Summit is held in Malaysia next month. While ASEAN, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India will all be at the table, neither the U.S. nor Canada is invited. This is a serious development, if not a setback for Ottawa's Asian diplomacy. Mr. Martin has threatened Washington with closer ties to Asia as a counterbalance to U.S. protectionism. But everyone knows he has no action plan to back up his rhetoric. The only way to get back in the game is to take aggressive measures that reconnect Canada with other Asia Pacific countries. The newly established free-trade negotiation with Japan is a step in the right direction but it is not bold enough. For Canada not to be left out of the world's emerging and most dynamic trading bloc, similar actions must be taken with China and ASEAN.
Unfortunately, rather than asserting much-needed leadership and projecting a distinct Canadian mark on the other side of the Pacific, Mr. Martin is busy marking his calendar for a federal election.
Friday, November 11, 2005
Thursday, November 10, 2005
Monday, October 31, 2005
Sunday, October 23, 2005
Honouring aggression at Yasukuni
In open defiance against growing domestic and international criticism, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi went to the Yasukuni Shrine on Monday, his fifth such visit since coming to power in 2001. The following day, a large number of other politicians paid tribute at the shrine.
Two weeks ago, a Japanese high court ruled that Mr Koizumi's pilgrimage to Yasukuni, where convicted war criminals are honoured among the war dead, violated the constitutional separation of church and state. A number of Asian countries - former victims of Japanese militarism - have always opposed such visits. They have repeatedly asked Mr Koizumi not to go to the shrine this year, the 60th anniversary of the end of the second world war.
Mr Koizumi's latest action immediately pushed Japan's relations with its neighbours to a new low. China, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan all lodged strong protests. Scheduled diplomatic meetings between Tokyo and other Asian capitals were cancelled or postponed.
But the long-term damage to the region by the latest shrine visit will become even more severe. Unlike in Europe, where Germany's thorough reflection on history has led to continental reconciliation, East Asia has suffered from Japan's lack of remorse for its aggressive war. The annual visit to Yasukuni by Mr Koizumi and a large number of Japanese parliamentarians simply makes a mockery of any "sincere apologies" offered in the past.
First, Mr Koizumi and company justify the shrine visit as following Japanese culture and tradition. But Yasukuni was created by the Japanese government, in the late 19th century, to honour overseas expansion and imperialist war efforts. It was the designated institution for state Shinto indoctrination and the propaganda and mobilisation centre of Japanese militarism.
Yasukuni represents a culture of blind obedience to a totalitarian state, and a tradition of colonialism and imperialism through war and aggression.
Second, Mr Koizumi rebutted criticism by insisting that he goes to Yasukuni only to show respect to those who sacrificed themselves for the country's current prosperity, and to pray for peace. Yet, if one takes a tour of the war museum attached to the shrine, as I did a few months ago, it is clear that the shrine demands all who pray there should live the way those enshrined there lived.
At the shrine you find a history that says Japan did no wrong, and waged no aggressive wars, in the past. It claims all the sacrifices made by Japanese were not for a militaristic state, but for Japan's own defence and for liberating Asians from white imperialism.
Third, the prime minister has accused Beijing and Seoul of interfering in Japan's domestic affairs. Knowing full well the potential for backlash from neighbouring countries, Mr Koizumi promised right-wing groups that he would make annual visits to the shrine in exchange for their support in his leadership bid four years ago.
He then manipulated the Japanese public's resentment of foreign criticism by presenting himself as standing tall. As a result, he managed to remain popular and even won a majority in the recent lower-house election.
Unfortunately, Mr Koizumi has faced only a very limited domestic challenge to his shrine pilgrimages. That is another reflection of his country's failure as a democracy to collectively face its war responsibilities.
The Japanese voters who put Mr Koizumi in office should pursue a much brighter option, constructing a path to reconciliation in East Asia while firmly blocking the way to Yasukuni.
Wenran Jiang is an associate professor of political science at the University of Alberta, Canada.
Wednesday, October 19, 2005
At what price Koizumi's homage to Japan's war dead . . .WENRAN JIANG
18 October 2005
The Globe and Mail
The setting is the Yasukuni Shrine in central Tokyo. The sole cast member is Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. And his ritual is to honour Japan's war dead, including thousands of convicted war criminals from the Second World War.
Mr. Koizumi's pilgrimage to the controversial Shinto site yesterday, his fifth such annual practice since taking office in 2001, is a staged act of defiance against growing domestic and international criticism. Only two weeks ago, a Japanese high court ruled that Mr. Koizumi's acts violated the constitutional separation of religion and state. Asian countries, former victims of Japanese militarism, have always opposed such a visit.
Mr. Koizumi's latest action pushed Japan's relations with its neighbours to a new low. The Chinese were particularly irritated by the timing — they were celebrating the return of their astronauts from a five-day, Earth-orbiting journey. While Seoul cancelled President Roh Moo-hyun's meeting with Mr. Koizumi at next month's APEC meeting, Beijing sent home Japanese diplomats attending high-level bilateral consultations and scrapped this weekend's visit by Japan's foreign minister.
The long-term damage to the region is much more severe. Unlike in Europe, where Germany's thorough reflection of history has led to continental reconciliation, East Asia has suffered from Japan's lack of remorse for its past wars. Yes, Japanese leaders have issued a number of apologies, including a statement that Mr. Koizumi read on Aug. 15, the date of Japan's defeat 60 years ago. But many remarks made by senior members of the Liberal Democratic Party, which has ruled Japan in the postwar era, have either rejected these apologies or undermined them.
To those who were victimized by Japanese militarism and to those who have a clear sense of history and justice, the annual visits to Yasukuni by Mr. Koizumi and a large number of Japanese parliamentarians simply make a mockery of their “deep remorse” rhetoric.
Mr. Koizumi and company justify the shrine visit as following Japanese culture and tradition. But Yasukuni is the creation of the Japanese state in the late 19th century for overseas expansion and imperialist war efforts. It was the designated institution for state Shinto indoctrination and the propaganda and mobilization centre of Japanese militarism; the sole purpose of its existence was to convince Japanese that, if they killed and died for the Emperor, their souls would be enshrined there. The Yasukuni culture is one of blind obedience to a totalitarian state, and the Yasukuni tradition is one of colonialism and imperialism through war and aggression.
Mr. Koizumi insists that he goes to Yasukuni only to show respect to those who sacrificed themselves for the country's prosperity today and to pray for peace. Yet, if one takes a tour of the state-of-the-art war museum attached to the shrine, it is clear that the shrine demands all those who pray there to live the way those enshrined there lived. And you find there a history in which Japan has done no wrong: All sacrifices were for Japan's defence, and for liberating Asians from white imperialism. The Yasukuni narrative of history is not the elimination of twisted nationalism but the revival of it. The Yasukuni notion of peace is to glorify war criminals as peace lovers. And the Yasukuni interpretation of sacrifice is the total rejection of the international war tribunal's verdict on Japan's war criminals.
Four years ago, in exchange for right-wing support for his bid as prime minister, Mr. Koizumi pledged to make annual visits to Yasukuni. He then manipulated the public's resentment of foreign criticism by presenting himself as standing tall. He managed to remain popular, and even received a majority in the latest lower-house election. Unfortunately, the very limited challenge Mr. Koizumi has faced domestically for his Yasukuni venture is also a reflection of Japan's failure as a nation to collectively face its past war responsibilities.
Internationally, Mr. Koizumi has lost credibility in Asia. On the other hand, while it is hard to imagine a German chancellor visiting a Nazi memorial and telling the world it's just for peace, Mr. Koizumi has escaped from much wider international condemnation.
“To go is hell; and not to go is hell, too,” Mr. Koizumi told his aides when trying to assess the fallout before his first official trip to Yasukuni in 2001. His gamble has certainly kept him at the edge of hell. But for the Japanese nation not to go over the edge with him, a path to the future must be constructed while the way to Yasukuni is firmly blocked.
Wenran Jiang, twice a Japan Foundation fellow, is associate professor of political science at the University of Alberta.
Sunday, October 16, 2005
Beyond the politics of power
In its reporting on the 16th Central Committee's fifth plenum, which has just concluded, the overseas media has focused on elite politics - with much speculation about a power struggle and personnel changes. Yet, this overemphasis on the top leadership comes at the expense of a comprehensive analysis of mainland politics, economy and social changes at this very important stage of
Many fail to realise that
That said, every new leadership takes certain steps to consolidate power, and the team headed by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao is no exception. But specific circumstances and factors differentiate this leadership from previous ones.
First, Mr Hu does not have Deng Xiaoping's personal clout, and has to rely more on the collective decision-making process. Other leaders are likely to put the emphasis on policy rather than group around an individual or a particular region. In that sense, the obsession with the factional affiliations of certain top party members may be heading in the wrong direction.
Second, there was no promotion of Mr Hu's future successors at the plenum, as had been widely anticipated. After only a few years in power, he may not have the kind of power base to reshuffle the leadership. Nor does he necessarily want to be seen to be pursuing such an agenda while trying to project a closer-to-the-people image.
Mr Hu and Mr Wen have other priorities: they have realised that unless they emphasise balanced development, more equality, harmony in society and measures to protect the environment,
Two major pillars of the new approach to solving
Both goals are, in fact, what the mainland really needs today. The irony is that Mr Hu and Mr Wen seem to have decided that they can implement these by maintaining tight control, at the expense of more political openness and civil liberty.
That is a fatal mistake. For without political reforms, broader participation, an open press and strengthened rule of law, a harmonious society and the scientific concept of development will remain largely political slogans. And the outside world will continue to be obsessed with the elite power struggle within Zhongnanhai.
Wenran Jiang is an associate professor of political science at the University of Alberta,
Saturday, October 15, 2005
Sponsored by Canadian Institute of International Affairs &
Foreign Affairs Canada, Ottawa, Oct. 28, 2005
Get more details and the program
Friday, October 14, 2005
China's growing appetite for oil, which will see it battle the United States and other trading partners for investment opportunities in the Canadian oilsands, will boost profits in numerous ways.
Read it here
Sunday, October 09, 2005
By a Special Correspondent
Even as China celebrated sending two men into space, Chinese President Hu Jintao was in no mood to join in the back-slapping. His political agenda received a thumbs-down at the Communist Party's central committee plenum. This is certainly a setback for Hu, but the game is far from over.
Read it here
Read it here
Along a giant patch of Canada's Far North, where moose outnumber people, a vital part of America's energy future seeps out of riverbanks and is hidden below soft prairie grass. These Canadian oil sands will help keep American SUVs running in the years to come.
Read it here
Saturday, October 08, 2005
Friday, October 07, 2005
Thursday, October 06, 2005
Wednesday, October 05, 2005
Tuesday, October 04, 2005
Sunday, October 02, 2005
Telegraph, Oct. 2, 2005, written by Niall Ferguson, in Taiwan Security
September 28, 2005
By Michael Vatikiotis and Murray Hiebert, Far Eastern Economic Review, Nov. 20, 2003
A very good article on China's foreign policy towards Southeast Asian nations. is China using a liberal economic and multilateral framework to quietly challenge the realist security-led policy of the United States? Is China is pursuing a genuine multilateral foreign policy here? If so, why China tries to exclude Japan and the US? Is China trying to "cooperate today, compete tomorrow"? If this is the case, how the US could respond to it?
Saturday, October 01, 2005
Sept 23, 2005
Hu shows hard-soft diplomacy in North America
He stresses China's peaceful intent in his trip but draws the line on Taiwan and Tibet
By Chua Chin Hon
China Bureau Chief
BEIJING - A TRIP to the White House, postponed by Hurricane Katrina, scuttled the public relations centrepiece for Chinese President Hu Jintao's first official trip to North America earlier this month.
The Chinese plan was for Mr Hu to use his meeting with President George W. Bush to take his message about China's pursuit of 'peaceful development' directly to the American public and leaders.
The message was to act as a counterweight to the growing talk in America about the so-called 'China threat'.
But the chaotic aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, which preoccupied the Bush administration and knocked Mr Hu's White House visit off the agenda, denied Beijing that much-needed public relations exercise.
Mr Hu pressed on with the remaining legs of his North American trip, and there was no mistaking Beijing's increasingly distinct brand of hard-soft diplomacy - one backed by the country's growing economic prowess and driven by the country's ravenous need for resources.
Combined with a desire to soften the rough edges of China's public image, it's a foreign policy doctrine that has been brought to bear on many of his earlier trips, such as the ones to Australia in late 2003 and Latin America last year.
In his 10-day swing through Canada, Mexico and the United Nations in New York, the Chinese leader stressed time and again China's peaceful
But on China's 'core interests' like Taiwan or Tibet, Mr Hu had no problems talking the tough talk and backing it up with real action.
'China will unswervingly keep to the path of peaceful development and continue to hold high the banner of peace, development and cooperation,' he told world leaders last week at the UN summit marking the 60th anniversary of the world body.
He offered the world's poorest countries tariff-free trade, debt relief, job training and US$10 billion (S$17 billion) in cheap loans.
This grand gesture to mark Beijing's move from a recipient of aid to a donor country, however, came with a diplomatic catch.
The offers were excluded from a dozen states which recognise Taiwan instead of China, among them some of the poorest countries in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean.
In Canada, Mr Hu elevated bilateral ties to the level of 'strategic partnership' - clearly with an eye on Canadian oil reserves, the second largest in the world after Saudi Arabia - and vowed to double trade between the two countries by 2010.
But he also warned in no uncertain terms that China would not compromise on the Taiwan issue despite its massive energy needs.
'There have been some noises, discordant noises, on the question of Taiwan coming from within Canada,' the Chinese leader told a press conference, referring to attempts by a Canadian parliamentarian to pass a Bill that would make it easier for Taiwanese leaders to visit.
He added: 'We hope that this question can be appropriately addressed so as not to undermine the political foundation of China-Canada relations.'
China's worry is that Canada, a major Western country, would set off a 'domino effect' should it pass Bills more sympathetic to Taiwan, said Associate Professor Jiang Wenran of the University of Alberta in Canada.
He told The Straits Times: 'Hu Jintao responded diplomatically on questions about human rights.
'But he wasn't diplomatic at all about Taiwan or Tibet...Taiwan is the bottomline issue and it's always on their radar.'
Talk of a second visit to the United States later this year has not been confirmed.
In the meantime, Chinese analysts contend that Beijing should try not to score more 'own goals' and provide ammunition to China-bashers.
By MARTIN FACKLER
TOKYO, Sept. 30 - A Japanese court on Friday handed a rare victory to opponents of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to a war shrine, ruling that the visits violated Japan's constitutional separation of religion and the state.
Experts said the ruling by the Osaka High Court probably would not force the Japanese prime minister to stop visiting the Yasukuni Shrine, which honors Japan's war dead, including those hanged for criminal conduct during World War II. But they called it a symbolic victory for critics here and elsewhere, who regard the visits as a measure of Japan's lack of contrition for wartime atrocities.
"This will strengthen Koizumi's opponents," said Hiroshi Nakanishi, a professor of international politics at Kyoto University. "More people will be encouraged to speak out against the visits."
Mr. Koizumi questioned the ruling but left his intentions about future visits unclear.
There was no immediate reaction from either China or South Korea, the most vociferous objectors to Mr. Koizumi's visits to the shrine, as well as to Japanese history textbooks that critics say underplay atrocities Japan committed during the war.
This is the second time a Japanese court has ruled against the visits while courts have rejected eight other cases, including a ruling Thursday by the Tokyo High Court dismissing a civil suit. Plaintiffs in that suit said they would appeal to Japan's Supreme Court.The rest of the article
Thursday, September 29, 2005
Tuesday, September 27, 2005
Sunday, September 25, 2005
Read Washington Post report
Read the Pentagon Report [PDF]
The North Korean reaction
Saturday, September 24, 2005
When the World Bank's new president, Paul Wolfowitz, presides over his first annual meeting, he will be confronted with a radical new report from his own organisation that sees ending inequality as a key to reducing poverty.
Fighting for a piece of the pie in Central Asia
By Hossein Amiri
Following the recent tension in the former Soviet republics, the major regional powers have begun competing with each other. They are by no means seeking the establishment of democracy in the region but are rather trying to acquire their perceived share of the pie.
Read rest of article
Friday, September 23, 2005
Thursday, September 22, 2005
Wednesday, September 21, 2005
The failed mission to capture Iraqi oil
By Michael T Klare Sep 22, 2005
It has long been an article of faith among America's senior policymakers - Democrats and Republicans alike - that military force is an effective tool for ensuring control over foreign sources of oil. Read article
Blood for no oil by Tom Engelhardt Read article
Sunday, September 18, 2005
Outward direct investment (ODI) from the People’s Republic of China is set to rise in the years ahead as Chinese companies respond to the government’s policy of encouraging firms to “Go Global”, according to a report released today in Vancouver and Beijing entitled China Goes Global.
Thursday, September 15, 2005
East Asian Council of Canadian Asian Studies Association
Connections & Identities in
All conference activities & lunches are in Telus Centre at
Registration, Telus Centre
Reception, Telus Centre
Registration / Morning coffee
OPENING CEREMONY (Rm. 217-219)
Dr. Satoshi Ikeda, EAC-JSAC 05 Conference Co-Chair, MC
Dr. Rolf Mirus, Acting Vice-Provost & Associate Vice-President (International),
Dr. O. P. Dwivedi, President, CASA
Dr. Fumiko Ikawa-Smith, President, JSAC
PLENARY SESSION I: (Rm. 217-219)
Sixty Years Anniversary of World War II:
History, Identity, Nationalism & Reconciliation
Chair: Dr. Charles Burton,
Stephen Doust, Canadian Embassy in
BREAKOUT SESSIONS I
Panel A Roundtable - Promoting East Asian Studies: Perspectives from Chairpersons (Rm. 217)
Chair: Peter Nosco, Chair, Dept. of Asian Studies, UBC
Janice Brown, Chair, Dept. of East Asian Studies,
X. Jie Yang, Chair, Dept. of Germanic, Slavic, and East Asian Studies,
Jan Walls, Director, David Lam Centre, Simon Fraser Univ.
Cody Poulton, Chair, Dept. of Pacific & Asian Studies
Panel B Chinese/Canadian Adoptive Kinship:
Cultural, Legal, and Historical (Rm. 219)
Chair: Sara Dorow,
Ouellette Françoise-Romaine, Université du Québec—Chinese/Canadian Adoption and the Increasing Openness of Adoption Files
Panel C Food Culture and the Food Industry in
Chair: Carin Holroyd,
Matsubara, Toyohiko, Ritsumeikan—Environment-friendly agriculture and producer-consumer network in
Joe Kess and Yuko Igarashi,
Yuko Igarashi and Joe Kess—
Lunch sponsored by Faculty of Arts (Rm. 140)
Dr. Sheree Kwong See, Associate Dean, Faculty of Arts,
The Future of East Asian Studies: Regional
and Global Perspectives
Why Japan Matters edited by Joe Kess and Helen Lansdowne
Magnolia: Stories of Taiwanese Women by Tzeng Ching-wen, and translated by Lois Stanford and Jenn-Shann Lin
BREAKOUT SESSIONS II
Panel D Roundtable - Teaching about Contemporary
Issues, Dilemmas, and Perspectives (Rm. 217)
Chair: Ken Foster, UBC
Timothy Cheek, UBC
Panel E Popular Culture, Identity & Nationalism (Rm. 219)
Chair: Joe Kess,
Panel F Health Care in
Chair: Jim Tiessen,
Wei-Ching Chang and Marie-Laure Baudet,,
BREAKOUT SESSIONS III
Panel G Roundtable – East Asian Energy Security
Chair: Tom Waldichuk, Thompson Rivers Univ.
Panel H Transformations in Chinese Identities: Intellectuals, Students, and Minorities in the Modern Period (Rm. 219)
Chair: Timothy Cheek, UBC
Timothy Cheek, UBC—Intellectual Identities: What Makes a 'Chinese Intellectual' Chinese?
David Luesink, UBC—Transformation in regional identities:
Jack Hayes, UBC—Market and Ethnic Identities: Roads, the Environment, and Minority Identities in
Panel I The borderless world: changing perspectives on language and culture (Rm. 131)
Chair: Tsuneko Iwai,
Kaori Yoshida UBC—Animation and Otherness: Asia-ness and Orientalism in the Japanese Anime World
Conference Dinner, Faculty Club
Professor Takeshi Hamashita,
Changing Pattern of Sino-centric Regional Order in
Registration / Morning coffee
BREAKOUT SESSIONS IV
Panel J Trade and Investment, and sustainable growth in
Chair: Teri Ursacki-Bryant,
Monir Hossain Moni,
Tom Waldichuk, Thompson Rivers Univ.— Actor Networks and the Sustainability of Horticulture on Kujukuri Plain,
Panel K Constructing Identities in War and Peace--
Chair: Bill Sewell, Saint Mary’s Univ.
Shinji Takagaki, Univ. of Toronto at Mississauga—War and the Meiji Nation-Building Enterprise
Yu Chang, Univ. of Toronto— Peacetime Reflections Upon War and East Asian Identities
Owen Griffiths, Mount Allison Univ.— Public Imagery of War, the Nation, and Historian's Responsibilities
Bill Sewell, Saint Mary’s Univ.—Manchuria in Post-Postwar Northeast Asia
Panel L Tea and Chopsticks: Cultural Awareness as an Aid to Second Language Learning (Rm. 214)
Chair: Lloyd Sciban,
Cai Wei and Shu-ning Sciban Univ. of
X. Jie Yang,
Panel M Languages Initiative –
East Asian Languages in
Chair: Kimie Hara,
BREAKOUT SESSIONS V
Panel N Workshop - Introduction to Japan Studies Databases and a Chinese Courseware (Rm. 217)
This workshop is partially sponsored by the NCC
Tadanobu Suzuki, Librarian,
Tomoko Goto, Japanese Librarian, UBC Asian Library
Laifong Leung & Jingjun Ha,
Panel O Cultural Expression and Representation (Rm. 219)
Chair: Jennifer Jay,
Naohiro Nakamura, Queen’s Univ.—The Change of Cultural Representation of the Ainu in Museum Exhibition.
Panel P Identity Formation & Historical Memory (Rm. 214)
Chair: Mark Driscoll,
Yuko Shibata, UBC—Under the Asian Face: In/Visible Canadians
John Harding, Univ. of
Panel Q Emerging
Chair: Ryan Dunch,
Lunch Sponsored by
Dr. Michael Percy, Dean,
Mr. Jeff Kucharski, former Consul for Canada to Nagoya, Japan
EAC Business Meeting (Rm. 217)
BREAKOUT SESSIONS VI
Panel R Development of Japanese Corporations (Rm. 217)
Chair: Dick Beason,
David Edgington, UBC and Roger Hayter, Simon Fraser Univ.—Japanese Electronics Firms in
Panel S Identities for Women in Pre-modern
Chair: Sonja Arntzen,
Discussant: Christina Laffin, UBC
Panel T Education and Activism in Japanese
Chair: Greg Robinson, UQAM
Greg Robinson, Université du Québec À Montréal—“Forrest E. LaViolette: Asian North American Studies Pioneer”
PLENARY SESSION II (Rm. 217-219)
New Challenges & Policy Research in Canada-Asia Relations
Chair: Wenran Jiang,
Dr. Yuen Pau Woo, President,
Dr. Charles Burton, Brock University, former academic councilor in the Canadian embassy in
Mr. Alan Bowman, International Trade
JSAC Business Meeting
Saturday Evening: Free
BREAKOUT SESSIONS VII
Panel U Translation: Modern & Pre-modern (Rm. 217)
Chair: Sonja Arntzen,
Shaobo Xie, Univ.of Calgary—Translating Modernity towards Translating
Panel V Literature & Education in
Chair: Fumiko Ikawa-Smith,
Kumiko Aoki, National Institute of Multimedia Education—
Panel W Chinese Identities: Culture & Literature (Rm. 214)
Chair: X. Jie Yong,
Tzuhsiu (Beryl) Chiu,
Hua Li, UBC—Changing Patterns of the Bildungsroman in Modern Chinese Literature
BREAKOUT SESSIONS VIII
Panel X Japanese linguistics in Japanese Studies (Rm. 217)
Chair: Kaori Kabata,
Panel Y Encounters with the Other: Re-Locating the Intertextual/Transnational in Modern Japanese Literary Texts (Rm. 219)
Chair: Janice Brown,
Panel Z Education in
Chair: Yoko Riley,
Lloyd Scaiban and Scott Harrison,
Closing Remarks (Rm. 217-219)
Dr. Satoshi Ikeda & Dr. Wenran Jiang
EAC-JSAC 05 Conference Co-Chairs
Lunch (Rm. 217-219)
1. Please make payments in either check or cash at the registration;
2. Please limit your presentation to 15 minutes;
3. Roundtable should be open and interactive;
4. Every room has a computer with projector for PPP, etc.;
5. Every room has Internet access;
6. There are two computers with Internet access in the main lobby for email;
7. We will distribute your paper or outline if you have copies with you;
8. We will consider the publication of the proceedings after the conference;
9. Please let us know if you have any special requests.